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 KCPD Historical Information   Lest We Forget
THE PENDERGAST MACHINE

The city boss and the urban political machine are unique elements in our political history and played a dominant role in the history of politics from the 1860s to the middle of the Twentieth Century.

Political machines accumulate power and the control of local government.

Whether the machine is now dead or transformed is open to question. The system in its classical sense has disappeared.

Kansas City and Pendergast

The Pendergast machine dominated Kansas City Missouri, encompassed the state house (eponymously giving the label Uncle Tom's Cabin to the Missouri state capital) and reached into the New Deal in Washington.

The Pendergast machine was monumentally corrupt. It has been called the most successful of the political machines.

It started with James Pendergast. He and his faction were called the goats. Their major rivals were led by Joe Shannon, were labeled the rabbits.

The Pendergast income was founded on saloons, gambling and prostitution. At the end of the Nineteenth Century the red light district supposedly covered many blocks.

Jim Pendergast came to Kansas City in 1881 and soon bought a saloon with winnings from gambling. As he prospered he went into politics and later brought his brothers Mike and Tom into the business and politics.

Tom Pendergast took over the operation of the business in 1911 due to the death of his brother. Under Tom the operation spread from a depressed area to a massive countywide business. Tom Pendergast soon moved into a $150,000 Mansion. Money and power came easily, he could make of brake governors and senators. In the 1930s, Tom Pendergast was the power in Missouri.

The machines typically used political power to produce political spoils. The machine made itself popular with the poor through handouts of food, fuel and clothing as well as jobs through political patronage and assistance when in trouble with the law. In turn the poor and displaced gave the machine the votes it needed to maintain its power.

Pendergast searched for ways to do favors for those who supported the machine. He sought out groups with interest to protect and goals to attain. People worked for the party for favors; special privilege gets the vote.

The New Deal s welfare program affected the power of the machine only moderately. Under Pendergast the city had closed the Welfare Department so that those in need of assistance had to go to the machine and were indebted to the machine. When the Federal Government began distributing welfare during the 1930 era depression; that help went through the machine in Kansas City adding to their power.

History of the Pendergast Family

James Pendergast was born in 1856 in the Ohio River town of Gallipolis. He was the second of nine children. His Irish Catholic family later moved to Independence Missouri.

James was a laborer who did well at the racetrack with a horse named Climax. He bought a salon and hotel (brothel) with his winnings and named it Climax. He styled himself a businessman with his new property on St. Louis Avenue in the West Bottoms.

From 1881 to 1910 the city grew about five times, from 56,000 to 248,000. Pendergast extended his business to the North End or little Italy this was also the city s red light district. He was first elected in the bloody sixth ward, later renamed the first ward.

In 1892 the Kansas City Star reported his election to alderman, a post he held until 1910. Alderman Jim was famous for his black Bismarck moustache and small bow tie. He was said to have been genuinely popular.

William Baron Bill Rockhill Nelson was the reformist editor and publisher of the Star. He had come to Kansas City about 1879. Nelson had previously been a newspaperman and a supporter of reformer Samuel Jones Tilden, a Presidential candidate in the 1876 election. Tilden had established his reputation as a reformer in his successful campaign to bring down William Marcy Boss Tweed and his Tammany Hall machine. Tilden lost the 1876 election by one vote in the Electoral College to Rutherford B. Hayes.

The Pendergast machine followed the path set by Tweed in creating public improvement schemes, and scamming money from these projects into the coffers of the machine.

Pendergast opposed a telephone rate increase, supported garbage collection and construction of city parks in the West Bottoms. He took a stand against an increase in gas rates. The nation was in a depression. Pendergast was also noted for a waterworks plant and parks and boulevards. He headed the street department. And he supported the building of Union Station on Main Street.

Jim Pendergast cashed checks in his saloon for laborers. In 1884 he faced the American Protective Association, who were opposed to Catholics. At that time Kansas City has three newspapers: The Star, The Times, and The Journal. Only Pendergast stood up to the opposition.

In 1895 the control of the police was in the hands of the state. Missouri Governor Stone replaced Thomas Speers, who opposed gambling, with L. E. Irwin. The Star began a campaign against gambling in 1895.

The Pendergast saloon was only one block from the courthouse and became headquarters for city office holders, lawyers and gamblers. The North power elite was made up of men who ran liquor and gambling interest.

James A. Reed became prosecuting attorney for Kansas City. Pendergast made friends and did favors at large, but especially in the police department. The police afforded his gambling and prostitution interest the protection they needed.

Kansas City received a home rule charter in 1889, but it required a three-fifths majority vote to amend the charter and Pendergast blocked that.

Pendergast nominated 38 year-old James A. Reed, the former prosecuting attorney for mayor. In the 1900 election, Reed the future senator owed his victory to Pendergast.

Reed s victory was important to the Pendergast machine. Very quickly Mayor Reed began furnishing the Pendergast machine with patronage. Alderman Jim had his brother Tom appointed superintendent of streets. The street department had 230 employees and it head handled more patronage than other official except the mayor. The fire department also fell to the spoils system.

By 1900 Pendergast controlled the mayors office, the street and fire departments and dominated the police force. Pendergast named 123 of the 173 police officers on the force.

Pendergast controlled Kansas City politics but his rival Joe Shannon ran the Jackson County Democratic Party. The split in the democrats led to a Republican victory.

The 50-50 Comprise:

Alexander M. Dockery was Missouri, and he failed to appoint Pendergast candidates to the Police Board and Pendergast lost some of his influence. The Kansas City World reporter wrote: It is not extra-ordinary that Pendergast views with alarm a measure that proposes to put the quietus on the practice of doling out the positions in public service as rewards for political services rendered to party bosses. February 27, 1905

Jim Pendergast s health declined after 1900 and he began delegating to his brother Tom. Tom Pendergast Was elected court Marshall in 1902, 1904 and 1906 according to the newspaper The Rising Son.

Tom Pendergast was elected alderman from the First Ward in 1910.

Expansion of the Pendergast Machine

The city had grown to 250,000 and the boundary had moved from 31st Street to 79th Street. Very quickly Tom began using illegal voting tactics that Jim had never employed.

A Republican, Herbert S. Hadley was elected Governor in 1909. He planned to clear the Jackson County voter registration lists of all padding.

Pendergast lost the appointive office of Superintendent of Streets in 1910. Michael Pendergast lost his post as county license inspector to a Republican. The license inspector regulated the distribution of liquor and beer licenses in Kansas City and Jackson County. This also included the loss of patronage.

Mike Pendergast moved into the middle class 10th Ward. The Pendergast machine took the election in 1912. A Pendergast man James A. Reed had been elected to the U.S. Senate in 1910.

Tom Pendergast attempted to control Jackson County because of the patronage the county court held, including the road and revenue funds and the general management of some county offices. The purse strings of the county were the prize.

To beat Joe Shannon and the rabbit faction in the county election Tom Pendergast illegally enlisted Republican Boss Thomas R. Mark.

Pendergast had R. D. Mize elected a county judge. Woodrow Wilson appointed a Kansas City lawyer Frank Walsh to the Industrial Relations Commission, in 1913. Walsh was indebted to the Pendergast machine patronage.

Pendergast was receiving patronage from both the city and the county and some from Washington. Tom Pendergast and his corrupt machine was getting money to provide services from the Pendergast Wholesale Liquor Company, and from his Jefferson Hotel, widely known for the prostitution that thrived there.

In 1914 the Metropolitan Street Railway Company wanted a new 30-year franchise. The Star considered this franchise a bad investment for Kansas City residents. The Pendergast machine put the franchise over on the people. Tom marks a Republican and Conrad Mann the future president of the Chamber of Commerce helped to put this over.

Election judges who questioned some voters were verbally and physically abused. The Metropolitan Street Railway Company thought these illegal tactics were worth what they cost.

Pendergast Dominates Local Democratic Party

Three leaders Pendergast had to contend with: Miles Bulgar, Casimir J. Welsh and Joe Shannon. Welsh was made a municipal judge. Mike Bulgar was placed on the county court. Mike Ross was Pendergast s lieutenant in the 5th Ward.

The Kansas City Star on August 5, 1914 wrote: as of yesterday s election, Joe Shannon becomes a second rate power in Jackson County.

Pendergast wanted to control the Board of Police Commissioners and did so with the help of Democratic Governor Elliot W. Major. To save his election Shannon used the police to prevent Pendergast men from voting. The acting Chief of Police went to jail.

In 1916 the Pendergast machine gained control of the police department and used it to aid Kansas City prostitutes.

In 1917 Pendergast received patronage from Governor Frederick Gardner to protect his liquor interest. Mike Pendergast was the license inspector again.

Favored contractors also received patronage. The Ross Construction Company got special consideration on county road contracts. Pendergast eventually became a partner in the Ross Construction Company.

By 1917 Kansas City and Jackson County had become the home of the nation s largest maternity home industry. The first commercial maternity to home to open was the Willows in 1905. The Fairmount and others soon followed. Adoption was an informal affair through these homes.

Essentially they were crowded boarding houses with a lot of secrecy and only a thin veneer of maternal and infant care. Couples could obtain a baby from these establishments by simply paying the required fees.

However these homes required little investment and yielded high returns. If the mothers or babies died there was nothing their families could or would do. After all these women were disgraced. The families were unlikely to want publicity.

The city sent state representatives to the legislature in Jefferson City and enacted laws that would aid in the use of the juvenile court as the only source of adoption. Tom Pendergast established a juvenile court in Kansas City in 1917.

Pendergast also served the gambling interest. In 1918 Shannon, Bulgar and Pendergast worked together. The Democratic Party under Pendergast had acquired an extremely bad image.

Pendergast had used the police in a previous election because democratic governors Gardner and Major had given him control of the Board of police Commissioners. The 1920 elections were run under deplorable conditions.

The county court under Pendergast rule was under attack for excessive spending and questionable contracting. Republican Governor Arthur M. Hyde promised to put an end to the Pendergast and Shannon controlled police department.

Pendergast desperately wanted to regain and maintain the rich county patronage. He selected Harry Truman to become the machine s candidate for county judge from the eastern district.

Mike Pendergast s son James Pendergast had served with Truman in World War I. Truman was known in the county, and had relatives throughout the rural precincts. He was a Baptist, a Legionnaire and a Mason. The Pendergast machine supported Truman in 1921 in his election as county judge.

Pendergast s domination of the county administration continued until the machine collapsed in 1939. Truman lost in 1924. Republican Calvin Coolidge s landslide helped to defeat Truman in the 1924 election.

Truman ran again in 1926 and won. Mike Pendergast died in 1929 and Truman took over leadership of the county organization. Pendergast started the Ready Mix Concrete Company about this time. This product went into many of the civic improvements undertaken in Kansas City during the Pendergast administration.

Truman used patronage to the Pendergast machine's advantage. Truman's excellent reputation allowed the Goats to remain in power. All those who joined Pendergast from Shannon s ranks were helpful but the greatest addition to the machine was James P. Aylward, a Kansas City lawyer and chairman of the Democratic County Committee when the 50-50 was worked out.

Control of Kansas City

After World War I Pendergast used strong-arm tactics that would have made Boss Tweed envious. The machine won the 1920 election due to the vote of women and Negroes. This was described as an honest election. A reform movement was organized in Kansas City for a non-partisan government.

R. E. McDonnell, head of an engineering firm and the Kansas City Star were among those who supported the drive to reform Kansas City politics. The reformers drafted a charter to give Kansas City an honest, efficient, nonpartisan city administration.

An election would be held every four years with the mayor and four councilmen to be elected at large as well as four councilmen to be elected from each of the four districts. The government would take the council-manager form.

Theoretically the allotment and expenditure of municipal funds would be handled in the most open fashion.

This has been termed the reformer s panacea. The new system would allegedly destroy inefficiency; graft, corruption and the spoils system would be eliminated. It was presumed that Boss Pendergast and the machine would fade away.

The reformers wanted to make government an administrative process. They wanted the heads of departments to be trained in their field of service rather than merely political appointees. They wanted to move government from the field of political science to that of administration.

The reformers were long on idealism and short on political experience. Pendergast soon pledged his support for the reforms. Casimir Welsh and Jim Aylward helped the machine deliver a majority vote for the charter.

The 1925 election produced the first mayor and councilmen in the new system. All Pendergast had to do was elect five of the nine members of the new council and then he could select the new city manager. Within months Pendergast became the most powerful man in Kansas City.

In the election Republican Albert Beach had a narrow margin for mayor and the Pendergast machine won five seats on the city council.

Governor S. A. Baker was a Republican and controlled the Board of Election Commissioners and the Kansas City Police Board. So it could not be said the Commissioner of Police stole the election for Pendergast because they were not under this thumb anymore.

Pendergast s office was at 1908 Main Street. He moved his home out of the West Bottoms to an exclusive and expensive neighborhood near the Country Club Plaza. The Willows was at

2929 Main Street, just west of the Country Club Plaza.

Shrouding himself in the cloak of respectability Pendergast had a better chance of extending his power into new areas. He extended the power of his machine to all the city wards.

The classical political machine traditionally handed our food, fuel and clothing, as well as help finding jobs and help when in trouble with the law; services that ingratiated the machine with the poor.

The majority of Kansas City was middle class. Pendergast formed political clubs in all the wards. These clubs were active throughout the year. They had weekly bridge parties and teas for the ladies. They held dinners, dances, picnics and parties for both men and women. For young men there were baseball and bowling leagues.

The Pendergast machine provided a social outlet for the middle class that couldn't afford the city s expensive and exclusive country clubs. In return those who reaped the benefits from the clubs knocked on doors and urged neighbors to vote for Pendergast at election time.

During this time James P. Aylward became Pendergast s right hand man and was responsible for building the clubs. He became head of the Jackson County Democratic Party and built Pendergast support throughout the state.

Aylward was aided in his work by the Missouri Democrat, a Kansas City newspaper owned by the Pendergast s machine and started in 1925. The paper aided Aylward in his drive to build up support for Pendergast s candidates throughout the state.

The Pendergast faction took office in 1926. The city council appointed a Pendergast man, Henry McElroy city manager. McElroy appointed democrats to direct eight city departments. They had a monthly payroll of 37,000 men.

This extensive patronage system aided the Pendergast machine. By 1932 James P. Aylward had a formidable army of precinct workers.

Control of city government let Pendergast offer even more services to businessmen. He offered businessmen tax favors. Investigators for Governor Stark later found the Pendergast machine had huge tax abatements to large railroad and utility companies in Kansas City.

During the prohibition era the Pendergast machine encouraged the sale of liquor in restaurants, hotels and soft drink bars. There were numerous speakeasies. Jazz was developed in Kansas City between 1925 and World War II. The machine raked off a percentage of the profits.

During the Depression Pendergast extended services to many interest groups in Kansas City.

The Machine Moves Into State Politics

Missouri voters were predominately Republican in the 1920s. The Democrats were weak and decaying except for Pendergast and his machine. His faction won election in 1930. Harry Truman led the county ticket in a bid for presiding judge and Joe Shannon was elected to the U.S. congress.

In 1932 the U. S. Census found that most congressional districts in Missouri needed reapportionment. This meant those running for the U. S. Congress had to run at large.

State democrats turned to the Pendergast machine for leadership. Truman made an unsuccessful run for Missouri governorship in 1932. William Igoe organized the trench workers in St. Louis for Pendergast s nominee, Francis Wilson. Wilson died suddenly.

Guy Park became the nominee. Wilson had been more of an independent candidate and Park was in Pendergast s pocket. Park as Governor allowed Boss Pendergast to run the state. Pendergast was able to extend his patronage system across the state.

Park also gave Pendergast unusual access to state contracts later found to be illegal. Once again Pendergast had control of the Board of Election Commissioners.

Firms were awarded state contracts on the basis of their investments in the North American Savings & Loan Company where Pendergast owned an interest.

The most flagrant violation of public trust was an insurance swindle. Governor Park appointed R. Emmett O Malley to the State Office of Superintendent of Insurance.

The roots of the fraud went back to 1929 when 137 insurance companies raised their premiums 16 &2/3 percent. The insurance superintendent refused to approve the increase. The case went four years without a settlement. The litigating insurance companies were represented by Charles Street of Chicago.

In 1935 Emmett O Malley went to St. Louis to see A. L. McCormack, president of the Missouri Association of Insurance Agents. O Malley offered to settle the case in favor of the insurance companies if McCormack could get Street to pay off.

A few days later Tom Pendergast met these men in Chicago and eventually received $750,000 for his services. O Malley negotiated a settlement between the insurances companies and the State of Missouri.

Many Missouri citizens alleged fraud!!!

The next Governor, Lloyd Stark dismissed O Malley.

The developer of the Kansas City Country Club Plaza

J. C. Nichols found the insurance settlement great. As did many other prosperous businessmen.

The insurance scan was an example of Pendergast s technique as a political leader. He took a cut for himself off the top and also provided something for a diverse community of interests: lawyers, real estate developers and property owners who benefited from the insurance settlement.

This points up the political possibilities awaiting those who are clever enough to find areas of agreement among many groups.

The park administration offered Pendergast countless opportunities to do favors for individuals and interest groups and to expand his organization.

Adding to the support from state government came a new and more significant ally: the national government.

Washington Aid to Machine Politics

In the popular play The Last Hurrah, a character says the bosses failed because Roosevelt took away their source of power. They claim the New Deal took handouts out of the hands of local government.

Washington was making efforts to nationally to distribute food and create jobs during the depression. This did not alter the function of the local distribution of services in cities. The food and jobs came from Washington into the hand of entrenched political machines.

Pendergast s machine was strengthened by the New Deal. They could continue to direct the community s welfare services and the national government would pay the bill.

The Pendergast machine collapsed because of internal corruption.

The Roosevelt Administration elected in 1932 gave Pendergast patronage and control of Federal relief in Missouri. Jim Farley, chairman of the New York Democratic State Committee, went to Pendergast for support for Roosevelt in 1931. Jim Aylward managed the visit and Farley became close to Pendergast.

When Roosevelt took office, Farley explained to Senator Bennett Clark that a share of Missouri patronage was promised to Pendergast.

Conrad Mann, a Republican and long time ally of Pendergast was caught running an illegal lottery and was sentenced to Federal Prison.

Pendergast had Judge Harry Truman given the directorship of the Federal Re-employment program in Missouri. This gave Pendergast more control of the Federal programs. When the Federal Civil Works Administration went into effect in 1933, Pendergast had even more patronage to hand out.

Pendergast and His Profits

A 1938 article in the Missouri Democrat illustrated how much the Pendergast machine and his Ready Mix Concrete Company had done for Kansas City. Pendergast s cement went into a new city hall, courthouse, police station, and municipal auditorium. The new Deal made this possible through the Civil Works Administration and the Work Progress Administration.

Harry Truman was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1934. He had been hand picked by Pendergast for the position. Senator Bennett Clark at first opposed the choice of Truman and later supported it.

Clark s Senate choice Tuck Mulligan said that Governor Park s administration did so much for the Kansas City machine that the Missouri executive mansion might well be called Uncle Tom s Cabin."

Pendergast had Governor Park s state employees contributing to and managing Truman s campaign. James Aylward directed Truman s campaign.

Both Governor Park and Senator Clark refused to help individuals find relief without first going through the machine. Since Pendergast had control of the Work Progress Administration he was able to use Federal employees throughout Missouri to work for his candidates in elections.

The New Deal did not destroy the basis for machine politics. It does appear to have taken the corrupt political machine from the city level to the national level.

The Decline of Pendergast

By mid-1935 Pendergast appeared invulnerable. He controlled Kansas City and Jackson County. He reigned supreme in the state capital and the entire Federal Work Relief program in Missouri was under his direction.

His patronage organization had traded jobs and services for support at election time. He also managed to create an image of respectability around his political machine. The seamy side was fairly well hidden.

The Kansas City manager McElroy cooked the city books to construct an illusion of financial surplus when in fact there was a million and a half dollar deficit.

After touring several American cities, Pendergast reported that Kansas City had less gambling and racketeering than any other city its size. Around this time Pendergast started an Easter Seal drive in Missouri.

Lloyd Stark used the Pendergast machine to become governor and then turned on the machine. Stark was one of the owners of Stark Brothers Nurseries and Orchard Company. James Aylward did not trust Start.

Federal District Attorney Maurice M. Milligan conducted an investigation after the 1936 election in Kansas City. Evidence he collected demonstrated that the machine was as bad as opponents had declared.

Election fraud cases dragged through the courts for the next two years. Disapproval of the machine began to grow. Governor Stark broke with Pendergast. This was the start of the end of the machine.

Tom Pendergast had a history of illegal voting practices from the time he took over the machine in 1910. In the 1934 election in Kansas City four people were killed. The police who were put under home rule in 1932 (the city administration) ignored the illegal voting activities.

Governor Park was swamped with request to use the state police to bring law and order to Kansas City but loyal to Pendergast he refused to do so.

Out of 278 defendants in vote fraud cases 259 were found guilty. Most were ordinary citizens with no previous criminal record. Arthur Krock of the New York Times gave the reason. Each party worker is also a job seeker and results are demanded from them in exchange for their jobs.

Since the Governor could not succeed himself Lloyd Stark planned to run for the U. S. Senate against Harry Truman in 1940. Stark reduced Kansas City s share of state patronage. Employees on state payrolls tied to the Kansas City machine were dropped from the payrolls.

Missouri Attorney General Roy McKeltside made a serious effort at enforcing laws on illegal gambling and the sale of liquor in Kansas City. Stark tried to have the Kansas City police department returned to state control. This was done in 1939. The newly appointed police chief found that corruption was general and 50 percent of the police force was dismissed.

In Kansas City gambling and other forms of vice were being protected and criminals from other cities had been finding refuge in the city.

Stark believed that an investigation into Pendergast s finances would produce some startling facts. So he called on the U. S. Treasury Department. The investigation began with an examination of Emmett O Malley s insurance deal.

In a fight to control the Missouri Supreme Court, Pendergast endorsed Judge James V. Billings. Stark backed incumbent Judge James M. Douglas. Pendergast still controlled the Work Progress Administration. Stark controlled state patronage. His tactics were little different than Pendergast s. Judge Douglas won.

State employees were given leaves of absence to campaign for Douglas. Many were forced to contribute five percent of their annual salary to Douglas campaign.

Judge Douglas won.

Roosevelt began deserting Pendergast once the extent of the wholesale vote fraud became evident in 1936. Federal District Attorney Milligan, who prosecuted the Kansas City election workers, was up for re-appointment in 1938. Truman tried to have Milligan replaced. Roosevelt re-appointed Milligan.

For several years Kansas City Rabbi Samuel S. Mayerberg had opposed the Pendergast machine.

The determination of Stark and Milligan eventually brought five federal agencies into Kansas City on assignment.

The results of the investigation were sensational. Starting with the O'Malley insurance deal where Pendergast received $750,000 and had not paid income tax.

Pendergast was also found guilty of tax evasion form 1927 to 1937. He had also falsified books of eight companies he held interest in.

Pendergast spent 15 months in jail. Emmett O Malley and Matt Murray also went to jail. The director of the police department Otto Higgins went to jail. The leader of the gambling syndicate Charley Carollo went to jail.

City manager McElroy resigned and died before he was charged. McElroy s administration was a sham that had covered up an enormous theft of taxpayer s money. Kansas City had a deficit of almost 20 million dollars.

Hundred of thousands of dollars had been lost to the city in tax abatement and nearly three thousand people were on the city payroll who did nothing but pick up their checks. In 1939 new evidence was discovered everyday.

The Citizens Reform ticket won in Kansas City in 1940. Pendergast's machine still carried five out of the city's 16 wards.

This ended Tom Pendergast's political career and destroyed his machine.  Pendergast died in 1945.  Both Lloyd Stark and Maurice Milligan ran against Truman in 1940.  They divided the anti-machine vote in Missouri.  Truman won the 1940 election.  In 1944 at the Democratic convention in Chicago the remaining city bosses put him in the Vice Presidential spot on the ticket.  At the time it was believed whoever took that position would soon be the next President.  With the death of Roosevelt in 1945 Truman became President.


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